By Gülnur Aybet (auth.)
A eu defense structure after the chilly battle presents a serious account of the re-projection and redefinition of Western values and defense associations within the post-Coldwar period. this change is explored in 3 levels. the 1st degree covers the interval 1990-91 and explains the upkeep of a `western protection group' inherited from the chilly struggle, via a means of institutional reconstruction principally performed on paper. the second one level from 1991 to 1992 sees the incorporation of a `purpose' for those associations as a framework for the implementation of collective safeguard. The 3rd level explores the rising questions of legitimacy surrounding the hot projects of those associations as they turn into embroiled within the conflict within the former Yugoslavia. The precedents of valid intervention in upholding democracy, unfastened markets and human rights within the post-coldwar period are tested from the views of foreign legislations and Gramscian derived options of legitimacy, targeting the popularity of army energy through civil society, and the way intervention in those phrases turns into a 'cultural practice'.
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Extra resources for A European Security Architecture after the Cold War: Questions of Legitimacy
But during the 1970s the world political economy became an important force of its own, bringing the area of low politics more to the attention of those studying international relations. For example, state-centric power could not prevent or control something like the oil crisis. The realist assumption of a state-centric system with its emphasis on conflict seemed inapplicable, as this economic interdependence created its own norms and rules. 45 The core argument of regime analysis is that through interdependence, a certain order emerges by itself, with its own rules and principles.
It is then hoped that this group pressure for common policy will spill over to the federal sphere of high politics. If the institution fails to assert itself, then the effect on integration will be minimal. This is why neo-functionalists are sceptical about purely technical functional relations ever developing into a community without the need for central authority, as envisaged by functionalism. 32 In neo-functionalism, it is the key groups in each state and their acceptance of integration which is the starting point.
As other authorities emerge, supervising their own technical functions, other slices of sovereignty get transferred, until sovereignty erodes and there is a transnational system that performs with a web of different functions. 21 This does not however, give a clear explanation as to why governments would give up a ‘slice’ of their sovereignty in order to belong to a community bound together by technical means, such as the joint production or control of a certain commodity – unless of course state actors were compelled to give a slice of their sovereignty to belong to such a community, by circumstances which did not permit them them to pursue their national interests otherwise.