By Laurie Shrage
Shrage argues that Roe v Wade's regulatory scheme of a six-month time span for abortion on call for polarized the general public and obscured choices with in all likelihood broader help. She explores the origins of that scheme, then defends another one--with a time span shorter than 6 months for non-therapeutic abortions--that may perhaps win extensive help had to make criminal abortion prone to be had to all girls.
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Additional info for Abortion and Social Responsibility: Depolarizing the Debate (Studies in Feminist Philosophy)
In short, the viability time span for nontherapeutic abortions did little either to help women who are socially disadvantaged or to repel criticism of the Court for interfering with the democratic political process. Furthermore, with changes in the medical procedures used for abortions, doctors today face different treatment dilemmas when performing abortions after viability. In particular, because new abortion techniques can eliminate the possibility of live birth, the harrowing treatment dilemmas and professional conflicts Rhoden describes no longer need arise.
Responding to Mary Ann Glendon, who proposes this, Ruth Colker writes: "I do not suggest it as the solution in the United States. "100 Yet Glendon seems to suggest that we adopt not only the regulations but the larger security net as well. She writes: If we are to move from abortion on demand to reimposition of restrictions on abortions in certain situations, we should review the entire complex of laws that bear on maternity and childraising, including but not limited to our welfare and child support laws.
Perhaps Gert is proposing that the state should restrict the abortion method used in cases when there are others willing to care for the fetus and, in cases when there aren't, the state either should not permit a post-viability abortion, or allow the doctor or woman to choose a method not conducive to the fetus's survival. Rhoden's arguments make evident society's need to proscribe nontherapeutic abortions after viability, but they do not fully explain why the government should not ban nontherapeutic abortion before viability.