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By John Morrow

This learn provides an account of Coleridge's writings on politics from the point of view of the heritage of political suggestion and gives an research of the full variety of his political thought from the "Bristol Lectures" of 1795 to "On the structure of the Church and kingdom" of 1829.

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It’s in this light, I argue, that Schmitt’s argument about Hamlet can be read as defending Schmitt’s own response to the Jewish Question during the Nazi period. Aesthetics and Politics Schmitt saw the emergence of aesthetics as part of the increasing rationalization of politics and the increasing dominance of technology in all spheres of life. In an important essay entitled “The Age of Neutralizations and Depoliticizations” (1929), Schmitt charted the historical process of Western secularization, depoliticization, and “aestheticization” from the sixteenth century to the present.

47 Hobbes failed to realize that the image of the Leviathan was ambiguous: in the Bible, Leviathan is a powerful sea monster, but also one hated by the Jews. ’” That is, Leviathan summoned up the indirect powers—including, for Schmitt, the stateless Jewish people—interested in obstructing the creation of the secular nation-state. ”48 Instead, Hobbes unwittingly chose to represent his commonwealth by the one mythic figure whose double meaning anticipated the self-destructing artifact of the liberal state.

4 For Schmitt, the irrationalism of the aesthetic—its resistance to conceptual formulation—was the underside of the ostensibly rational mechanisms of economic production. As Schmitt wrote in Roman Catholicism and Political Form (1923, revised 1925): “Modern technology easily becomes the servant of this or that want and need. In modern economy, a completely irrational consumption conforms to a totally HAMLET OR HECUBA 25 rationalized production. A marvelously rational mechanism serves one or another demand, always with the same earnestness and precision, be it for a silk blouse or poison gas or anything whatsoever” (RC, 14–15).

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