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1967. Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur I. Berlin. Borger, R. and Tadmor, H. 1982. Zwei Beitriige zur alttestamentlichen Wissenschaft aufgrund der Inschriften Tiglathpilesers III. ZAW 94: 244-251. Cazelles, H. 1969. Une nouvelle stele d'Adad-nirari d'Assyrie etJoas d'Israel. Compte rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres: 106-114. Cazelles, H. 1978. Problemes de Ia guerre Syro-Ephraimite. Eretz Israel14: 70*-78*. S. 1967. Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis. (Studies in Biblical Theology, Second Series 3).

The Economic Relations of the Neo-Assyrian Empire with Egypt. ]AOS 98: 20-34. Eph'al, I. 1983. On Warfare and Military Control in the Ancient Near Eastern Empires: A Research Outline. In: Tadmor, H. and Weinfeld, M. eds. History, Historiography and Interpretation. Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures. Jerusalem: 88-106. Eph'al, I. 1984. The Assyrian Siege Ramp at Lachish: Military and Lexical Aspects. Tel Aviv 11: 60-70. Finet, A. 1973. 'opposition. In: Finet, A. ed. La voix de /'opposition en Mesopotamie.

In the first story (1 Kgs. 20:13-21), the same episode was portrayed as a miraculous victory of the few over the many. Historically, the circumstances of the campaign of 796 were not dissimilar to those of Shalmaneser III's campaign of 841: Damascus alone was unable to withstand the Assyrian war machine and was defeated in battle, possibly in the Valley of Lebanon (near Man~uate). 17 Bar-Hadad surrendered and paid a heavy tribute to save his kingdom from devastation. 16. For the place ofNergal-eresh in the 796 campaign, see Dalley 1968:150-151; Tadmor 1973:147-148.

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