By Michael Brecher
This e-book contains findings from the author's wide-ranging learn when you consider that 1948 at the unresolved Arab/Israel protracted clash. Brecher displays again on his precise research of the UN fee created in November 1947, and his near-seven many years of study and courses in this advanced protracted clash persisted because the first of 9 Arab/Israeli wars. The booklet comprises an research of the the most important early section of the unresolved fight for regulate of Jerusalem in 1948-49 and past, in keeping with wide interviews with Israel’s leaders and favorite Egyptian senior officers, newshounds and lecturers. It addresses the numerous different makes an attempt at clash solution, together with a peace plan to unravel the Arab/Israel clash of the author's personal layout. It concludes with old reflections approximately Israel’s habit, regionally and externally, in 1948-1949 and 2008 and past. No different publication in this protracted clash comprises such a lot of vital interviews with the 1st generations of Israeli leaders and Egyptian officers and lecturers, and no different writer can converse from one of these deep and lengthy engagement.
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Additional resources for Dynamics of the Arab-Israel Conflict: Past and Present: Intellectual Odyssey II
Most of the other ministers supported the Cabinet’s decision proclaiming Jerusalem Israel’s capital. A few were hesitant (Eliezer Kaplan [Finance, and Commerce and Industry] and David Remez [Communications and Transport]). And one dissented—Sharett, the Foreign Minister. All three were from BenGurion’s Mapai party! ) The Foreign Minister cabled his resignation from New York immediately after the Cabinet decision: he felt responsible for Israel’s setback at the Assembly, which, he acknowledged, he had not anticipated; and his view that Israel should not act directly against a UN General Assembly resolution had been rejected by Ben-Gurion and the Israel Cabinet.
The two exceptions, Egypt in 1979 and Jordan in 1994, are treated, in Israel’s prism, as pro forma recognition of reality, namely, “the State of Israel exists,” and especially in the case of Egypt, the necessary price to achieve its most crucial goal, the restoration of Israel-occupied Sinai to its rightful owner (1979–82). Another autonomous, but closely related, component of Israel’s attitudinal prism is a perceived continuing threat to Israel’s security/survival arising from the long-term imbalance in key indicators of military capability between Israel and a realistic Arab anti-Israel coalition—size of territory, size of military-age population, vast oil reserves, and consequent financial resources for a military buildup.
Moreover, the Yishuv had developed in the Galilee and the coastal plain, with Jerusalem a mixed population center surrounded by Arab areas. I do not recall any discussion among the leadership in that period suggesting Jerusalem as part of a Jewish state. The best that could be imagined was internationalization—to prevent it from being incorporated into an Arab state” (author’s interview, December 1965). At first glance, Eban’s perception appears to contradict the widespread consensus view of Israeli decision-makers and others, but it does not negate the sense of loss and sacrifice felt by Palestine Jewry.