By Franz Kernic, Gunther Hauser
Because the finish of worldwide battle II, protection and safety have performed a massive function in eu politics. With the eu Union's expanding position at the worldwide level and with latest struggle on terrorism, defense and security matters have dramatically won weight and significance in foreign politics. This compelling quantity presents an interdisciplinary examine the improvement and present prestige of the eu protection procedure in addition to chosen key concerns on state-of-the-art defense schedule. As such, it presents a great reference source for these wishing to make feel of the complexities of protection and protection matters within the eu Union at a time of worldwide switch.
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Extra resources for European Security in Transition
EU and OSCE programs, projects, missions, and other policy ventures largely overlap in their objectives as well in their methods. The OSCE’s activities in Central Asia give 30 European Security in Transition it a speciﬁc security niche, since this is an area where the EU’s has little experience and expertise. In 2006, the OSCE has seven ﬁeld missions, and eight centres and ofﬁces in the Balkans, Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, as well as in Central Asia. This OSCE presence offers the organization eyes and ears and a real expertise.
The dreaded scenario is that of so-called interblocking institutions, frustrating each other without effectively addressing concrete European (and global) security challenges. Behind this saga of unsteady relationships, lies a mundane fact which needs to be clariﬁed in advance. Although all three institutions deal with European security, they have a markedly different membership, different capabilities, and, perhaps most importantly, different security cultures. The concept of security has different meanings within these three institutions, and their different capabilities and policy tools taint their preferences and privileges certain policy responses.
Europe’s key security institutions face serious challenges over the coming decade. Will Iran continue to develop nuclear weapons? Will Afghanistan and Iraq develop into stable democracies? Will the transatlantic relationship survive the imbroglio of the Bush-era? How will the EU and NATO react to a new terrorist attack? And, perhaps most importantly: how will Europe’s institutions adapt to the mounting pressure on the very idea of effective multilateralism? Since 9/11, the US considers itself the primes inter pares of the global community, and is increasingly wary to limit its scope of action by international law, international institutions, or the well-meaning advice of allies.