By Ewa Płonowska Ziarek
Ewa Ziarek absolutely articulates a feminist aesthetics, targeting the fight for freedom in women's literary and political modernism and the devastating influence of racist violence and sexism. She examines the contradiction among women's transformative literary and political practices and the oppressive realities of racist violence and sexism, and he or she situates those tensions in the entrenched competition among rebel and melancholia in stories of modernity and in the friction among fabric accidents and experimental aesthetic kinds. Ziarek's political and aesthetic investigations main issue the exclusion and destruction of ladies in politics and literary construction and the transformation of this oppression into the inaugural chances of writing and motion. Her examine is likely one of the first to mix an in-depth engagement with philosophical aesthetics, specially the paintings of Theodor W. Adorno, with women's literary modernism, quite the writing of Virginia Woolf and Nella Larsen, besides feminist theories at the politics of race and gender. by means of bringing possible apolitical, gender-neutral debates approximately modernism's experimental types including an research of violence and destroyed materialities, Ziarek demanding situations either the anti-aesthetic subordination of recent literature to its political makes use of and the appreciation of art's emancipatory capability on the rate of feminist and anti-racist political struggles.
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Extra info for Feminist Aesthetics and the Politics of Modernism
Although dependent on the struggle against women’s exclusion from the political, the freedom implied by the right to revolt exceeds negative contestation because, according to Arendt, it manifests itself primarily as the capacity to create new relations in political life. Thus, in order to understand the implications of suﬀragettes’ redeﬁnition of the vote as the right to revolt, we have to analyze the double aspect of their militancy: its iconoclastic side, negating women’s exclusion from the political, and its creative side, inaugurating the unforeseeable.
That to men women are not human beings like themselves” (SP, 160). Whether idealized or denigrated, women, as long as they are excluded from the political, do not have the status of the human, are not treated as ends in themselves, but merely as means of sexual exchange or as sexual commodities. And this is a signiﬁcant shift in the argument for human rights—such rights do not depend on a presupposed human nature or particular attributes of that nature, but, on the contrary, constitute the possibility of political subjectivity for women.
By stressing the revolutionary foundation and the ongoing transformations of the law from the Magna Carta to the nineteenth-century reforms bills (1832, 1867, 1884) that expanded male freedoms and suﬀrage, suﬀragettes argue that the seeming neutrality of the law, misrepresented as the social contract, represents an unstable compromise between two kinds of power: between the insurrectionary forces struggling for a new and more expansive conceptions of freedom and the conservative force of the government aiming to subjugate these forces in order to reproduce the already constituted political order and its imperialist, gendered, and class hierarchies.