By Momin Rahman (auth.)
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Extra resources for Homosexualities, Muslim Cultures and Modernity
My mother’s garden It would be easy to say that this Islamification occurred due to 9/11. But that is not quite true. Whilst it is true that the searing heat of that murderous act has burned Muslim identity powerfully into Western consciousness, the consequences for Muslims globally are nuanced to the political context in which they live. Thus, in Britain, whilst many of the women I know see the War on Terror as a cultural and literal war on Islam and the poor who make up the majority of Muslims worldwide, they also understand it as a continuation of the decades-old racism around immigration in the UK.
2 Despite their disdain, the Obama campaign did make it clear that their candidate was not a Muslim, but a good old-fashioned Christian. The drumbeats of this discourse of Muslim otherness have obviously been louder since 9/11 but they have existed for some time, perhaps, indeed, for most of ‘modern’ time and not just within popular and political culture,3 but within academia as well. I hesitate to cite Weber in the context of this discussion, given that he was the most skeptical of the idea of progress of the classical sociologists, but his description of Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism and Taoism as ‘impediments’ to the development of the modern rational capitalism – in 30 Homosexualities, Muslim Cultures and Modernity contrast with ascetic Protestantism in the West – demonstrates that the identification of Muslim culture as inimical to the development of modernity is there at the very beginnings of sociological thinking on what constitutes modern life (Weber, 2002: 200).
2002: 104). Turner dissects the political philosophy of the early twentieth century German legal scholar and philosopher Carl Schmitt at first, demonstrating how it is heavily influenced by his Roman Catholicism and focused on the sovereignty of a state as defined by its ability to act decisively, something Schmitt thinks is compromised in liberal democratic systems, because of their pluralism and ‘deliberative and consultative approach’ (2002: 104). In developing this position, Schmitt drew upon Weber’s argument for plebiscitary democracy, embodied in a strong leader as a way of overcoming political bureaucratic inertia, identifying the Reich president as the key position to promote in the context of the crisis-ridden Weimar republic, eventually joining the Nazi party and supporting their regime (Callinicos, 2007: 174–177; Turner, 2002).