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66-104. 38 communicate, have in a number of cases allowed for a dispersion of religious authority among Muslims. Religion, politics and the public sphere Over time the Qur’anic din accumulated multi-dimensional meanings, but doctrinal teaching about God tended to be less important than social practices. 181 However, sovereignty was not located in the caliph or the ummah, but in God’s will, as expressed in the Shariah. The Shariah is not a code, but an ensemble of precedents and general principles, interpreted by different and mutable narratives in diverse contexts.

Pp. 38-39. See also Khan, op. , p. 184 and Ayubi, pp. 32-33. See also Abdelwahab El-Effendi, Who needs an Islamic state? (London: Grey Seal, 1991), pp. 14, 29-30, 32-40, 96, Abdul-Hamid Abu-Sulayman, Towards an Islamic Theory of International Relations (Herndon: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1993), p. 147 and M. Iqbal, “The Concept of State in Islam,” in Mumtaz Ahmed, State, Politics and Islam (Indianapolis: American Trust Publications, 1986), pp. 36-50 on pp. 44-45. 245 The requirements, accession and role of political leaders Different Muslim discourses have different requirements regarding the virtue and capability of a ruler.

ElAffendi, op. , p. 55. 232 See the same source for the similar fusionist approach in Khaddafism, which accepts the Quran, but rejects the fiqh, the law schools and the need for ulama completely. 233 In some cases rulers have used competition and differences between the ulama and the Sufi shaykhs to promote their rule. 234 However, although this period is presented in many Muslim discourses as a fixed construct, these caliphs only came to be regarded as the model for future generations over time, in interaction with socio-political struggles and theological debates.

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